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The Sarah Palin Chronicles (2)

September 9, 2008

Well..it happens and it has happened.

I am not yet ready to retract what was written here about Sarah Palin but it seems that

1. A picture of her in a red white and blue bikini holding a sniper’s rifle is one of those digital, easily done frauds. After hearing about it from several friends, I found it on-line, copied it and then sent it out to several dozen people. Several of them wrote that they sent it out to hundreds of others, only to find out later it was some kind of fabrication. Sorry about that one

2. There is also the reports of Palin having pressured a local librarian in Wassila, Alaska to purge books from the local library with threats to have the librarian fired if she refused. I’ve now read a number of different accounts of this incident which vary from (1. It didn’t happen at all 2. It happened but the list (see below) is inaccurate 3. It happened just as described below

So..for starters… I appreciate the warning signals coming from Laurie Sirotkin, Cheryl Kasson, and several old college friends (among others) on all this. It certainly pays to be careful and it will take time to separate fact from fiction, spin and hearsay from truth. So let us, starting with myself, be patient and more careful to weed out fiction from fact. I have a feeling that in the end the truth will be strange enough. In time we’ll find out what is accurate and what is not about Ms. Palin. No need to exaggerate her history or values. And despite some inconsistencies, a picture is emerging.

What are the more salient points here…that can be said with some certainty

1. She is an avowed Christian fundamentalist and certainly of extreme right wing of the Republican Party – that wing that stands for continuing the Bush foreign and domestic policies and keeping the Christian Fundamentalist wing of that party front and center

2. She has given a surprising amount of energy to John McCain’s presidential run. Her youth contrasts with his geriatric posture, while I’ll leave it to others to determine whether she’s a great beauty or not, frankly, the bottom line is she is not as ugly as McCain, suggesting that the Republicans are more than simply a bunch of conservative old men.

3. She has no foreign policy experience whatsoever and her experience in government on all levels is quite limited.

4. Her acceptance speech, to the surprise of many, including myself, changed the nature of the presidential contest and reminded people that the Republicans do have a shot at winning this election which means that she has become a force that has to be dealt with

On hearing Palin’s acceptance speech (I wrote about it below – on issues it is no surprises to none exist, although the delivery was strong) and then seeing McCains numbers improve in the polls a number of friends and acquaintances got very nervous. An old college friend with whom I reconnected after some 40 years, Carole Ashinaze, worried that Palin would energize the Christian fundamentalist wing of the Republican Party and that, if united, the Republicans could possibly beat Obama. A colleague at work – a sincere and humane liberal who has opposed the war in Iraq from the outset and taken an strong stand against the Patriot Act and the erosion of civil liberties here at home was nothing short of distraught this morning. I’ve never seen him so depressed. He was talking as if the election was already lost to Obama and that America’s goose-stepping future was assured. Others with whom I am in contact, mostly through the blog have expressed similar shades of nervousness and pessimism.

Then there is my good friend Imam Ibrahim Kazerooni (Shi’ite Imam here in Denver) from Iraq who doesn’t think – where it concerns the people of Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Israel and Palestine – that either Obama or McCain will make much of a difference. And he ushers forth (or will in his upcoming entry in the blog world) a convincing set of facts of the candidates positions on the subject to drill his point home. That view varies from some old Middle Eastern (Arab, Iranian) friends who openly support Obama despite his limitations, but I would expect that in the Middle East, there is a sense that regardless of who wins the presidency, not much will change – either in Israeli-Palestine and Iraq with the danger of a looming confrontation with Iran still very much alive.

In any case, despite his limitations from my view point, as mentioned below, I still support Obama and hope he wins. At the least he’ll give the country and the world a little breathing room. The US military juggernaut in the Middle East will be slowed. I don’t expect much of the repressive legislation to be quickly undone but there’s a good chance that Guantanamo will be dismantled and that torture will no longer be the official policy of the US military. The labor movement here will be given a bit of space to organize and perhaps, perhaps, the disgrace which is the healthcare system in this country will be seriously addressed.

Obama can win. He has a lot going for him. And while I’ve never been much of a fan of Joe Biden – Biden is a tough and profoundly knowledgeable Senator. He has already – in a manner admittedly more symbolic than real – challenged AIPAC ( a little anyhow). More important is the fact that neither Biden nor Obama (despite the latter’s fiasco before AIPAC) are particularly in bed with the folks in the Democratic Leadership Council – those masterminds have snatched defeat from the jaws of victory for the Dems in 2000 and 2004.

In 2004 the Republicans did a nasty but clever thing: they went after John Kerry’s military record – and despite the fact that the campaign was fabricated, were able to turn enough of the electorate against him so that Bush could steal a second election, this time in Ohio rather than in Florida. This time¸ the Republicans appear to be doing something similar: attacking Obama for the fact that he was (rather than wasn’t!!) a community organizer. In both cases they target the Democratic candidates strength, try to turn it into a weakness.

In Kerry’s case, the Republicans managed to put John Kerry – who was a bright and capable candidate and far more liberal than his campaign suggested – on the defensive. This is what Sarah Palin is trying to do to Obama, to actually discredit him for having spent time learning about people’s issues as a community organizer. Rather than defend her record (which even with the inconsistencies mentioned above is indefensible because there is NOTHING THERE), she goes on the attack, proving that the adage `the best defense is an offense’ still has some truth to it. McCain gets his female vice presidential candidate to play the race card!

So what is Obama to do …to turn the tide around in his (and our) favor once again?

Frankly there is much he can and should do.

He should continue to present his program for the economy and for ending the war in Iraq to the American people….and he should (in my humble opinion) go blow for blow with the Republicans on the issues, on the failures of the past eight years both domestically and internationally of which we all are keenly aware.

McCain can be beaten. Listening to him speak these last months I am astounded by his superficiality, his absence of depth and his unrepentant militarism. I would have thought he might be stronger on foreign policy. He isn’t. Indeed, there isn’t much there at all. Of course we’ve just (kind of) elected one of the shallowest, politically ignorant, ideologically bigoted people in American history to the presidency twice and it is possible that the great people of this country can and will do it again.

But it need not be.

So…..we’ve got a lot of work to do. What else is new? So let’s do it.

As for the Palin Chronicles, they will continue. And together we’ll get Sarah Palin into sharper focus (that is if there really is anything worth focusing on)…

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The Sarah Palin Chronicles (1)

September 6, 2008

This is the beginning of a series.

What is true is that most of us – in the USA and beyond – don’t know much about the Republican vice presidential candidate and hopeful, Sarah Palin, currently the governor of Alaska. It seems she was chosen to try to win the working class vote away from Barack Obama for John McCain. Although she gave what I thought was a vapid speech (no economic policy, just alot of one-liners) I have to admit it was a strong, assertive delivery, a classic example of what I call the MacDonald Phenomenon: the ability of the American economy to very efficiently package garbage. And here in Palin is the political version of a big mac. Attractive, well packaged but if you taste enough, it’s liable to kill you.

I also admit a certain modest degree of contrition. I confess having sent an email with a picture of Palin dressed in a red, white and blue bikini holding a sniper’s rifle. Turns out that picture is probably a cut and paste job and the characterization of Palin it suggests, while true, not formally accurate.

With that in mind I’ve decided do a bit of research, to share what I learn of Palin’s wisdom, her contribution to the common good in Alaska. I’ve already gotten a fair amount of help on this project from a number of friends from Steamboat Springs to Rockland County NY that have started the research project. So, together let’s see if we can look into the eyes of Sarah Palin and see her soul.

For starters, I include an email from an old friend, Michael Myerson, writing about Palin’s literary tastes, or lack there of.

This from Myerson:

“Let’s spend a few moments browsing the list of books Mayor Sarah Palin tried to get town librarian Mary Ellen Baker to ban in the lovely, all-American town of Wasilla, Alaska. When Baker refused to remove the books from the shelves, Palin tried to fire her. The story was reported in Time Magazine and the list comes from the librarian.net website.”

“I’m sure you’ll find your own personal favorites among the classics Palin wanted to protect the good people of Wasilla from, but the ones that jumped out at me were the four Stephen King novels (way to go Stephen, John Steinbeck only got three titles on the list), that notorious piece of communist pornography “My Friend Flicka,” the usual assortment of Harry Potter books, works by Shakespeare, Walt Whitman, Kurt Vonnegut, Mark Twain (always fun to see those two names together), Arthur Miller, and Aristophanes, as well as “Our Bodies, Ourselves” (insert your own Bristol Palin joke here), and the infamous one-two punch of depravity: “To Kill a Mockingbird” and “Little Red Riding Hood.” But the cherry on the sundae, the topper, is Sarah Palin’s passionate, religious mission to clear the shelves of the Wasilia Public Library of that ultimate evil tome: “Webster’s Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary.” That’s the one with “equality,” “free speech” and “justice” in it.”

“Go over to your book case and take down one of the books you’ll find on the list (I know you’ve got a couple) and give it a read in honor of the founding fathers. Then tell me I’m not the only voter who doesn’t want this woman within thirty feet of the United States Constitution.”

Sarah Palin’s Book Club

A Clockwork Orange by Anthony Burgess
A Wrinkle in Time by Madeleine L’Engle
Annie on My Mind by Nancy Garden
As I Lay Dying by William Faulkner
Blubber by Judy Blume
Brave New World by Aldous Huxley
Bridge to Terabithia by Katherine Paterson
Canterbury Tales by Chaucer
Carrie by Stephen King
Catch-22 by Joseph Heller
Christine by Stephen King
Confessions by Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Cujo by Stephen King
Curses, Hexes, and Spells by Daniel Cohen
Daddy’s Roommate by Michael Willhoite
Day No Pigs Would Die by Robert Peck
Death of a Salesman by Arthur Miller
Decameron by Boccaccio
East of Eden by John Steinbeck
Fallen Angels by Walter Myers
Fanny Hill (Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure) by John Cleland
Flowers For Algernon by Daniel Keyes
Forever by Judy Blume
Grendel by John Champlin Gardner
Halloween ABC by Eve Merriam
Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone by J.K. Rowling
Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets by J.K. Rowling
Harry Potter20and the Prizoner of Azkaban by J.K. Rowling
Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire by J.K. Rowling
Have to Go by Robert Munsch
Heather Has Two Mommies by Leslea Newman
How to Eat Fried Worms by Thomas Rockwell
Huckleberry Finn by Mark Twain
I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings by Maya Angelou
Impressions edited by Jack Booth
In the Night Kitchen by Maurice Sendak
It’s Okay if You Don’t Love Me by Norma Klein
James and the Giant Peach by Roald Dahl
Lady Chatterley’s Lover by D.H. Lawrence
Leaves of Grass by Walt Whitman
Little Red Riding Hood by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm
Lord of the Flies by William Golding
Love is One of the Choices by Norma Klein
Lysistrata by Aristophanes
More Scary Stories in the Dark by Alvin Schwartz
My Brother Sam Is Dead by James Lincoln Collier and Christopher Collier
My House by Nikki Giovanni
M y Friend Flicka by Mary O’Hara
Night Chills by Dean Koontz
Of Mice and Men by John Steinbeck
On My Honor by Marion Dane Bauer
One Day in The Life of Ivan Denisovich by Alexander Solzhenitsyn
One Flew Over The Cuckoo’s Nest by Ken Kesey
One Hundred Years of Solitude by Gabriel Garcia Marquez
Ordinary People by Judith Guest
Our Bodies, Ourselves by Boston Women’s Health Collective
Prince of Tides by Pat Conroy
Revolting Rhymes by Roald Dahl
Scary Stories 3: More Tales to Chill Your Bones by Alvin Schwartz
Scary Stories in the Dark by Alvin Schwartz
Separate Peace by John Knowles
Silas Marner by George Eliot
Slaughte rhouse-Five by Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.
Tarzan of the Apes by Edgar Rice Burroughs
The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn by Mark Twain
The Adventures of Tom Sawyer by Mark Twain
The Bastard by John Jakes
The Catcher in the Rye by J.D. Salinger
The Chocolate War by Robert Cormier
The Color Purple by Alice Walker
The Devil’s Alternative by Frederick Forsyth
The Figure in the Shadows by John Bellairs
The Grapes of Wrath by John20Steinbeck
The Great Gilly Hopkins by Katherine Paterson
The Handmaid’s Tale by Margaret Atwood
The Headless Cupid by Zilpha Snyder
The Learning Tree by Gordon Parks
The Living Bible by William C. Bower
The Merchant of Venice by William Shakespeare
The New Teenage Body Book by Kathy McCoy and Charles Wibbelsman
The Pigman by Paul Zindel
The Seduction of Peter S. by Lawrence Sanders
The Shining by Stephen King
The Witches by Roald Dahl
The Witches of Worm by Zilpha Snyder
Then Again, Maybe I Won’t by Judy Blume
To Kill A Mockingbird by Harper Lee
Twelfth Night by William Shakespeare
Webster’s Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary by the Merriam-Webster Editorial Staff
Witches, Pumpkins, and Grinning Ghosts: The Story of the Halloween Symbols by Edna Barth

A Taste Of Denver: Thank God It’s Over (6)

September 5, 2008

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Some Thoughts On How Obama Beat Hillary Clinton

Lost in the shuffle – and the struggle between Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton for the Democratic Party presidential nomination – is the fact that one of the two major American political parties has just nominated the first Black candidate for the presidency in American history. If Obama wins, he, his wife and two children will come to occupy a residence built almost entirely by slave labor, the appropriately named `White House’.

While the United States remains a nation based on a foundation of racial and ethnic discrimination that remains a thorny presence in American life, Obama’s achievement of winning the Democratic nomination is both a statement how far the nation has come and a symbol of the social struggle that remains to be completed. Among the things the United States might offer to the global community some day – is an example of how a nation – all of us, white, black, brown, red and everything in between overcame a powerful heritage of discrimination. We’re not there yet – far from it – but we’re on our way.

Whatever his political limitations – especially where it concerns the degree to which Obama has bought into the Bush Middle East foreign policy – Barack Obama successfully captured the political imagination of the majority of the Democratic Party – and much of the country. It remains to be seen whether he’ll have enough momentum to win the presidency against what is certain to be yet another Republican presidential bid based upon fear and militarism. So much of the country’s progressive energy went into supporting Obama – from the unions, peace groups, minorities that the opposition outside the Democratic Party found itself generally marginalized.
This was especially true after Super Tuesday when it appeared that Obama actually had a chance to successfully challenge Hillary Clinton.

Hillary Slips, Bill Blows His Top

What are the factors that can explain Obama’s dramatic triumph over Hillary Clinton?

The Clintons – both Bill and Hillary – h ad prepared for a Hillary run at the presidency for nearly a decade. They appeared to hold most of the cards in the Democratic deck in their hands. Hillary had won over the support of the Democratic Party machine (there is such a thing) nationwide. She had collected an enormous war chest and of course had the close cooperation of one of the country’s shrewdest political operatives of modern times in her husband. As recently as a year ago she appeared un-stoppable.

There were some key elements to Hillary’s decline and Obama’s `ascent’.

1. The mood of the country – and most particularly of the base of the Democratic Party – had shifted dramatically over the past eight years. It amounted to a nationwide grassroots revolt against the Bush policies (while Democrats in the Congress continued to vote for many Bush initiatives). On the top of the list of issues propelling this revolt was opposition to the war in Iraq, to Bush Administration practices endorsing and extending the use of torture, concern about the consequences of the Patriot Act on Civil Rights, and more and more in the later years of the Bush Presidency, the erosion of the economy.

The Clintons failed to take these shifts enough into account and when they finally did (in the areas that they did) it was too late. The prime example: Hillary Clinton never publicly came out against the Bush Administration led invasion of Iraq. She could not shake her image as a supporter of the war (in part because she is) while Obama – whose record on the war was not exactly stellar either – was able to claim that at the outset he voted against the war.

2. Although the general line of the Democratic Party – defined to a great extent by the Democratic Leadership Council – has remained surprisingly consistent over the past 20 years – there have been – as a result of largely of pressure from below and two failed presidential bids (Gore, Kerry) – some important changes in the leadership of the Democratic Party itself which gave Obama an opening. Specifically, when Howard Dean became party chair and shifted the party’s focus to extending the party’s base in 50 states, it gave Obama a chance to tap into the new elements joining the party, particularly youth. In a like manner, Obama learned from Dean’s 2004 presidential run, and most especially, Dean’s use of the internet for fund-raising. On this front from the very outset, Obama’s campaign left Hillary’s far behind in the dust.

One other `technically related development’ that seems to have hurt Hillary Clinton. There was no `YouTube’ in 2004, or hardly. But in this campaign people with fancy cell phones or digital video cameras could film campaign incidents and minutes later post them on the internet for tens of thousands (or more) people to instantly see. This undermined Bill Clinton’s credibility. Bill Clinton has reputation for a very short fuse behind the scenes and often blows up. In 2004 he could do this – let’s say in Atlanta – and the impact did not go beyond local media sources. But with YouTube the whole nation could see his temper tantrums in Boston, Buffalo, Pittsburg, Cleveland, Chicago, Omaha, Oklahoma City, Steamboat Springs and Elko Nevada in a matter of simultaneously. And the man looked out of control. And he looked out of control because he was out of control.

Clinton’s Underestimate Obama

3. As important, the Clintons and the Democratic Party leadership serious under-estimated Obama’s poise and political sophistication. Bill Clinton has met his strategizing match in Barack Obama. Obama was able to maneuver deftly through the Democratic Party minefield of corporate interests, unions, AIPAC, Black and Chicano caucuses. It was this quality as well as his considerable oratory abilities that was key. In the end it was a primary battle between the Democratic Party’s old guard and established politicians and operatives against the party’s rebels and new elements. In such contests, the old guard wins 9 times out of 10, maybe more. Barack Obama had just enough support and political savvy to sneak through and defeat Hillary. It wasn’t by much.

Coming into the Denver convention, Obama had several goals, among the main ones:

1. Neutralize the Clintons and unite the party around his candidacy.
2. Define his agenda to the nation
3. Begin a clear and unambiguous counter offensive against John McCain.

He appears to have achieved all three. Although he gave the Clinton’s a role in the convention, he chose Joe Biden as his vice presidential running mate (rather than Hillary or several others the Clinton’s had suggested). This was also something of a blow to the Democratic Leadership Council as well. If Obama wins the election he will replace Bill Clinton as what one might consider to be the primary voice of the Democratic Party in the nation. Clinton’s bitterness at being so sidelined is palpable.

Concerning Obama’s agenda, it is a clear break in both tone and content from the legacy of the Bush Administration, especially on domestic policy. Expect an Obama presidency to move quickly on two domestic issues – health care (his healthcare program more or less) and legislation making it easier for unions to organize. We can also anticipate a change in tone, an administration less willing to be the handmaiden of the financial, military and corporate sectors (these sectors might get taxed a bit more).

It is in the foreign policy arena that his policies have been the most disappointing, and we can expect little progress on Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking or a new more tempered policy towards Iran (although it is not clear that Obama would want to bomb Iran the way that the Bush Administration would like to). Still we can expect more cooperation between an Obama Administration and traditional US allies – Europe, Japan etc and perhaps a break on the Bush slide into renewing the Cold War with Russia. There are indications he’ll move in the direction of signing the Kyoto Protocols on the environment.

The Resentment Strategy

September 5, 2008

(note: writing in yesterday’s NY Times, economist and Bush Administration critique Paul Krugman sketches out the Republican Party strategy for attacking the Obama-Biden ticket. It is essentially a class attack (not racial – or at least not yet) to paint Obama as `an elitist’ while McCain and Palin try to paint themselves as `the people’s’ ticket. Harder for McCain who can’t remember how many homes he owns, easier, but not convincing for Palin either. But in a clever way [is Karl Rove at it again] it puts Obama and Biden on the defensive)

New York Times, The (NY) – September 5, 2008

Author: PAUL KRUGMAN

Abstract: Paul Krugman Op-Ed column contends Republican anger is based on perception that Democrats look down their noses at regular people; holds what Republican Party is selling is pure politics of resentment; argues GOP is still party of Nixon; contends presidential-vice presidential ticket of Sen John McCain and Gov Sarah Palin can very possibly ride Nixonian resentment into upset election victory in what should be overwhelmingly Democratic year (M)
Can the super-rich former governor of Massachusetts — the son of a Fortune 500 C.E.O. who made a vast fortune in the leveraged-buyout business — really keep a straight face while denouncing “Eastern elites”?

Can the former mayor of New York City, a man who, as USA Today put it, “marched in gay pride parades, dressed up in drag and lived temporarily with a gay couple and their Shih Tzu” — that was between his second and third marriages — really get away with saying that Barack Obama doesn’t think small towns are sufficiently “cosmopolitan”?

Can the vice-presidential candidate of a party that has controlled the White House, Congress or both for 26 of the past 28 years, a party that, Borg-like, assimilated much of the D.C. lobbying industry into itself — until Congress changed hands, high-paying lobbying jobs were reserved for loyal Republicans — really portray herself as running against the “Washington elite”?

Yes, they can.

On Tuesday, He Who Must Not Be Named — Mitt Romney mentioned him just once, Rudy Giuliani and Sarah Palin not at all — gave a video address to the Republican National Convention. John McCain, promised President Bush, would stand up to the “angry left.” That’s no doubt true. But don’t be fooled either by Mr. McCain’s long-ago reputation as a maverick or by Ms. Palin’s appealing persona: the Republican Party, now more than ever, is firmly in the hands of the angry right, which has always been much bigger, much more influential and much angrier than its counterpart on the other side.

What’s the source of all that anger?

Some of it, of course, is driven by cultural and religious conflict: fundamentalist Christians are sincerely dismayed by Roe v. Wade and evolution in the curriculum. What struck me as I watched the convention speeches, however, is how much of the anger on the right is based not on the claim that Democrats have done bad things, but on the perception — generally based on no evidence whatsoever — that Democrats look down their noses at regular people.

Thus Mr. Giuliani asserted that Wasilla, Alaska, isn’t “flashy enough” for Mr. Obama, who never said any such thing. And Ms. Palin asserted that Democrats “look down” on small-town mayors — again, without any evidence.

What the G.O.P. is selling, in other words, is the pure politics of resentment; you’re supposed to vote Republican to stick it to an elite that thinks it’s better than you. Or to put it another way, the G.O.P. is still the party of Nixon.

One of the key insights in “Nixonland,” the new book by the historian Rick Perlstein, is that Nixon’s political strategy throughout his career was inspired by his college experience, in which he got himself elected student body president by exploiting his classmates’ resentment against the Franklins, the school’s elite social club. There’s a direct line from that student election to Spiro Agnew’s attacks on the “nattering nabobs of negativism” as “an effete corps of impudent snobs,” and from there to the peculiar cult of personality that not long ago surrounded George W. Bush — a cult that celebrated his anti-intellectualism and made much of the supposed fact that the “misunderestimated” C-average student had proved himself smarter than all the fancy-pants experts.

And when Mr. Bush turned out not to be that smart after all, and his presidency crashed and burned, the angry right — the raging rajas of resentment? — became, if anything, even angrier. Humiliation will do that.

Can Mr. McCain and Ms. Palin really ride Nixonian resentment into an upset election victory in what should be an overwhelmingly Democratic year? The answer is a definite maybe.

By selecting Barack Obama as their nominee, the Democrats may have given Republicans an opening: the very qualities that inspire many fervent Obama supporters — the candidate’s high-flown eloquence, his coolness factor — have also laid him open to a Nixonian backlash. Unlike many observers, I wasn’t surprised at the effectiveness of the McCain “celebrity” ad. It didn’t make much sense intellectually, but it skillfully exploited the resentment some voters feel toward Mr. Obama’s star quality.

That said, the experience of the years since 2000 — the memory of what happened to working Americans when faux-populist Republicans controlled the government — is still fairly fresh in voters’ minds. Furthermore, while Democrats’ supposed contempt for ordinary people is mainly a figment of Republican imagination, the G.O.P. really is the Gramm Old Party — it really does believe that the economy is just fine, and the fact that most Americans disagree just shows that we’re a nation of whiners.

But the Democrats can’t afford to be complacent. Resentment, no matter how contrived, is a powerful force, and it’s one that Republicans are very, very good at exploiting.

A Taste Of Denver: Thank God It’s Over (5)

September 4, 2008

Obama and the Left – or, Don’t Ask What Obama Can Do For You But What You Can Do For Obama.

Don’t Whine, Organize

There is a left in the United States today – social forces and movements organizing and agitating for deep going social change at home and a more peaceful foreign policy abroad – in both cases challenging the basic precepts of the `cowboy’ capitalist society in which we find ourselves, tossed by the winds of history. It is vibrant, flexible, dedicated and to use a word I can’t stand `creative’. Its social and political chemistry is also `evolving’ in that it is a far cry today from what it was in the past and continues to evolve and change forms, occasionally actually to learn from its past and to adjust to an ever and quickly changing global political landscape. Often unappreciated is the fact that it exists both beyond and within the Democratic Party.

But mostly it is small in size and weak in overall political influence, currently with its fair share of charlatans and other forms of low life. Why should the left not have the sacred right to its own forms of incompetency and oppurtunism any less than other political trends? Despite these oft overlooked facts, in sickness and in health, in altered states or sober, oftentimes in rage and frustration, until death do I part, I would like to believe that I am, in my own modest way, a part of it – although what that entails practically means less and less by the hour.

But for the past 20-5 years (maybe longer) – in large measure through no fault of their own- the social movements have been rather narrow in their base and modest in influence. While there have been upsurges, especially in the 1980s (Latin American solidarity especially with Nicaragua and El Salvador, the anti-nuclear movement of the same decade), not even these periods of intensified activity compare with the 1960s or the 1930s, the latter being the most profound social movement in the past 100 years. The challenge now as it has been for decades is to broaden and strengthen these movements – and as Martin Luther King Jr. tried to do, to find the ways to unify them into a more coherent force in American life.

Wanted: A Bigger Social Movement

When the social movement has been broad, militant and low stupidity index, it has been able to pressure the Democrats (and some Republicans) in power to implement social change. Such were the series of radical reforms undertaken by Roosevelt – the implementation of Social Security, government jobs programs, limiting the speculation in the finance and banking sector – and in the 1960s (Voting Rights Act, War on Poverty, forcing the government to end its immoral and genocidal war in Vietnam – 3,000,000 Vietnamese killed ). Since the 1960s for a variety of reasons, although the objective conditions of the American people have deteriorated over time, and the international situation has become more unstable and US foreign policy taken on what can only be considered criminal dimensions, the movement has been smaller.

These are not merely academic reflections.

Without a strong social movement `encouraging’ him on, there are rather severe limits as to what an Obama presidency can accomplish once in office. Given that he will have to face a series of obstacles – the power of the military industrial complex, the ravenous ever expanding appetite of the financial sector even as that sector is declining, narrow bigoted lobbies like the NRA and AIPAC and a still ideologically driven, politically experienced and well financed right wing. The majority of the American people might support Obama and his vision for change, but the weight of the political class pickled with corruption and greed will probably gain more access. And now we’re living in a country where the erosion of civil rights – spearheaded by Republicans but strongly backed by most Democrats in Congress – only makes matters worse.

Not Since McGovern in 1972

At present, the weakness of the social movements makes it unlikely to sustain a serious national candidate for the presidency from the left, Obama is, probably as good as it gets (and we’ll see what he can achieve if elected). To find the last openly left – or left liberal Democratic candidate for the presidency – one has to go back to the 1972 George McGovern campaign with its clear and unambiguous anti-Vietnam war message. Much of the Democratic Party did not support McGovern then, actively sabotaged his campaign (as Lieberman is trying to do to Obama today). Indeed since 1972 the Democratic Party leadership has gone out of its way not to let anyone like McGovern get near the presidency if they could help it.

When – responding to the deepening all round crisis in American society, liberal, left of center candidate did sneak through (Gore, Kerry) – they were pressured to `tone down’ their message to such a degree that it was lost on the electorate. This strategy – the main line of thinking of the Democratic Leadership Council – has largely succeeded in snatching defeat from the jaws of victory in the last two presidential elections before this one. Obama has had – to a certain degree anyhow – make similar compromises in the name of `party unity’.

Maybe They’ll Get Bigger?

Perhaps in the coming period these social movements will grow again. Hard to tell. It seems that after a forty year hiatus, the labor movement is beginning to increase its numbers. Most radicals today don’t think much about labor, but frankly, without a strong and progressive labor movement, social movements are severe hampered in what they can accomplish. When labor (finally!) raises its head (and fist) the ruling class takes note – thus the hysterical reaction of Colorado Republicans and the Denver Post at the success of an organizing campaign that brought 32,000 public employees into the ranks of public sector unions. Likewise, the activities of main civil rights movements have been somewhat dormant on the whole, living on past accomplishments but now there is the beginning of what might be the most profound civil rights movement in half a century – the immigrants rights movement.

The best thing progressives – really any one who cares about the future of this nation – can do is to build these movements into more of a political force than they are currently, so that they will play more of a role in the future.

Some one like Barack Obama – negotiating between powerful and conservative political and economic forces with only weak social movements pushing him to the left – have to pick and chose a couple of issues on which to make their social agenda. Without stronger social movements to nudge Obama’s progressive agenda ahead, his options for changing the current political climate in the USA are limited. It appears that there are three themes that an Obama administration will try to address and implement: legislation to make union organizing both legal and easier (which will not only strengthen the labor movement but also the political clout of the Democratic Party), a comprehensive medical care program (again it does not appear that it will be universal coverage outside the framework of insurance companies – the best solution – but still, more extensive coverage) and ending the war in Iraq. None of these would be easily accomplished.

Great American Presidents: Few and Far Between

Think back on the few great liberal reformers who became presidents. They are few and far between and their `moment in the sun’ precisely short. Two of them, Lincoln and Kennedy, were assassinated in office. Roosevelt survived such a dark fate, but he had the encouragement of one of the most extraordinary first ladies in American history pushing him left, Eleanor Roosevelt, and perhaps more importantly the most powerful, labor-led social movement in modern American history, led in large measure (or at least influenced) by socialists and communists, now largely either forgotten or disparaged for their role. Obama is operating in an entirely different historical atmosphere, one in which the great social movements of today are largely outside of the United States and in large measure in opposition to US economic and political policies, while the social movements at home are weaker.

So we all have a lot of work to do don’t we? And we can’t place all the responsibility on Barack Obama.

(to be continued)

A Taste Of Denver: Thank God It’s Over (4)

September 3, 2008

________________________________

Obama: As Good As It Gets For A Dem These Days

Watching the Democratic Party Convention one could easily – and wrongly – conclude that not much happened. There was very little debate, most of the talks, presentations were scripted, Barack Obama’s candidacy had been decided, the police and security presence overdone to the extreme…the whole thing essentially contrived, paid for in large measure by behind the scenes (and actually not-so behind the scenes) corporate donations.

I gave this kind of analysis to one of my students, a volunteer at the Pepsi Center who responded `everything you say is true, but, to be honest, I’m having a blast’ – this from one of my more socially committed and class conscious students! Other young people that happen to regularly pass through my life – there are a fair number – simply didn’t want to hear any criticisms I might have of Obama’s foreign policy – this nonsense about taking troops from Iraq to put them in Afghanistan or his `giving away’ of Jerusalem to the Israeli government – his well documented shift to from the liberal left to the center after the primaries.

Of course that doesn’t particularly stop me from speaking my mind – but it is becoming clear that only six months to a year or so into an Obama administration (although it is not carved in stone, I believe he’ll win) will some of Obama’s true believers – there is a whole army of them – come down to earth and come to grips with his limitations.

Besides, I’ll vote for the guy myself. Any temptation to support McKinney (Green Party candidate) evaporated watching her behind the scenes political opportunism here in Denver during the week of the convention and as for Nader – well, I’m glad he’s there and I do support including him in the presidential debate. He probably knows more about the issues than any of the others. He gave a hard hitting and accurate critique of the Dems (and Obama) at the University of Denver on August 27 before 4300, including Nancy, her father Lowell, our friend Ibrahim and myself. But I won’t vote for him.

The Obama Phenomenon

Whatever his political limitations (more on that later), Barack Obama has done something that hasn’t happened in America since assassination cut off the presidential bid of Robert Kennedy in 1968: he’s captured the political imagination of not just the Democratic delegates to Denver, but of much of the country and has thus become a force in American politics that far outweighs some of the positions he holds. He’s been able to mobilize youth in an unprecedented fashion. So much of the progressive energy of this nation this past year went into supporting Obama – from the unions, peace and environmental groups, minorities – especially after Super Tuesday when it appeared that Obama actually had a shot at defeating Hillary Clinton for the Democratic Party Nomination.

With so much of the progressive – even left – energy mobilizing behind Obama, organized left opposition outside of the Democratic Party found itself generally marginalized, thus the modest showing of such groups in Denver last week where despite claims to the contrary, social movement participation in the demonstrations (see yesterday’s entry) was small to modest. Indeed, there were no large scale mobilizations to Denver. Most social movements – like the great immigration rights movement out of Los Angeles that mobilized more than a million people to demonstrate two years ago – simply stayed home or sent only symbolic delegations. Pretty modest turnout, all in all.

Nader: Good Politics No Base

And that begs the broader question: although Ralph Nader can articulate the policy limits of the Democratic Party as accurately as anyone, what he has only poorly explained is why so much of the country stands with Barack Obama. If 4300 people came out to see Ralph in Denver, 85,000 went to Invesco Field to `witness history’ and from what I can glean another 40,000 to 50,000 would have attended if they could have gotten in.

And it’s not just the numbers.

The Clintons Blew It

What can explain Obama’s dramatic triumph over Hillary Clinton?

Barak Obama beat one of the most experienced (it’s true!), well-oiled and well financed political teams in American political history – Bill and Hillary Clinton. He knocked the Clintons off center-stage of the Democratic Party. Although the political implications of that shift have yet to be revealed in all their aspects, what can be said is that – particularly if he wins the presidency – Obama achieved one of the greatest political upsets in the nation’s history. It couldn’t have happened to a nicer pair of political scoundrels. Nor could it have happened without a broad based revolt within the Democratic Party against the Clintons, their machine (for that is exactly what they have cultivated, put together and thought they had perfected) and their spiritual base: the Democratic Leadership Council.

The Clintons – both Bill and Hillary – had prepared for a Hillary run at the presidency even before Bill stepped down from the office in 2000 handing the baton to the little idiot who’s been in office since. One has to wonder what deal the Clinton’s made with each other? That Hillary would stay in the marriage with Bill despite the latter’s anatomical intern probing with Cuban cigars in exchange for Bill managing Hillary’s presidential bid? Who knows? But as recently as a year ago, it appeared that Hillary Clinton held most of the cards in the Democratic Party deck and that she would not win but sail to the presidential nomination, only to be defeated by `a nobody’ – some inexperienced kid from Chicago.

Please, this happens in the movies but not in American politics and not to the Clintons who had successfully weathered so many political and personal storms that they thought themselves invincible. Hillary had carefully cultivated and easily won the support of much of the Democratic Party political machine nationwide. She had accumulated an enormous war chest and of course had the close cooperation of one of America’s all time shrewdest (and lewdest?) political operatives of modern times – her husband. With so much political support, a convention in Denver looked to be very much of a pro-Clinton affair with Colorado considered very friendly territory.

Colorado: Mirror of the Nation

This pattern was clear, played out here in Colorado as it was nationwide. There is a funny story about former Denver Mayor Wellington Webb, a strong Clinton supporter. Sensing which way the political winds were blowing, the city’s first Black mayor, took down his Clinton sign already in April. Before that time, he and wife Wilma were an integral part of Colorado’s Clinton team, doing what they do best – behind the scenes arm-twisting for Hillary. The Clintons also have very close ties with the political legal operatives, Steve Farber and Norm Brownstein and often stay at one of their homes when in the area. Denver’s US Congresswoman Diana De Gette was on board emerging as national co-chair of Hillary’s healthcare campaign. No doubt most of the above had visions of sugar plums – or more likely positions in a Clinton administration – dancing in their head. And while Federico Pena wouldn’t bite (he’d had a falling out with the Clintons), most of the Chicano leadership within the Democratic Party followed Webb’s lead as well.

(to be continued tomorrow)

A Taste Of Denver: Thank God It’s Over (2)

September 2, 2008

Although some of the activities and demonstrations in Denver during the Democratic Convention last week did draw people from around the country, the numbers at such events were generally small, and the social base of the activists narrow. Taken in its entirety, the overall organized opposition to the Democratic Convention was modest in size and scope. With few exceptions (see below) it didn’t amount to much. Its impact on the convention itself was rather light. Although the opposition might not like to admit it – most of the political energy in Denver last week was not on the streets but at the Pepsi Center itself.

Groups like the recently formed `Alliance for Real Democracy’, a loose coalition of groups and individuals, did a lot of good work in a short time, but overall the both the numbers of people on the streets were smaller than predicted and the political message they hoped to convey was muffled and often lacked clarity. This was especially the case of the group `Recreate 68’ which had predicted on several occasions that more than 20,000 people would attend their march and rally. According to several people in attendance, strip away the sizeable number of press and barely 500 came to hear political has-beens like Ward Churchill, Kathleen Cleaver and Cynthia McKinney deliver shrill and unfocused messages.

Exceptions To the Rule

There were four exceptions to this picture:

1. The march led by anti-Iraq War vets (in uniform) after a `Rage Against The Machine’ concert which took to the streets, 8000-to-10,000 strong, without a permit and marched peacefully and in a disciplined fashion the five miles from Denver’s coliseum on the north of town to the so-called Pepsi Center where the convention was taking place. The concert, organized by a group of youth calling themselves Tent City worked the concert to build the march in a creative way and then with the vets leading the long line which stretched for a mile, marched the entire distance, surrounded by police and other security forces. The vets delivered a letter to a representative of Barak Obama calling for an end to the Iraq War and for better treatment of vets. In marching this way, the `Tent City’ people effective challenged the constitutionality of a whole slew of laws passed to limit the rights of demonstrators and free speech. It was impressive. Efforts to co-opt the march – and there were some – went nowhere.

2. The same day, Wednesday, August 27, Ralph Nader, left presidential candidate for president, spoke to an audience of about 4500 enthusiastic supporters at the University of Denver’s Magnuss Arena. Although there were a number of stoned hippies from the 1960s (for whom I feel a certain affection), most of the audience was the non-bleached hair set, young activists in the main, disaffected not just by Bush Administration policies but also eight years of weak, spineless Democratic Party responses. Nancy Pelosi came under fire for taking the impeachment issue off the table, Hillary Clinton for her consistent and unapologetic support for the war in Iraq and the Patriot Act which undermines domestic civil rights. Besides Nader, actor Sean Penn, peace activist and Congressional candidate Cindy Sheehan (she’s challenging Pelosi’s seat in SF), and local musician Jello Biafra (among others) gave fine speeches. Penn’s was a bit long – but insightful, hitting again and again on the erosion of civil rights in the Bush years. He came short of endorsing Ralph Nader but did call for Nader’s inclusion in the debates – a demand I wholeheartedly support. Although the audience seemed quite familiar with Jello Biafra I had never heard of him. Walking to the podium, he looked (and sounded) like he could have grown up in Wheatridge (a largely white middle class suburb west of Denver). Jello Biafra? Where did that name come fome? Anyhow – whatever reservations I had about his name, he gave a coherent speech, a searing attack against Bush Administration policies. In some ways it was more direct and less self-serving than Nader’s remarks

3. On Thursday several thousand more people – in large measure Chicanos, many from the city’s Westside, with its long and deep radical history – marched for immigrant rights. They ended their march at Lincoln Park where speeches and music followed. Although it was a shadow of a similar march in Denver two years ago which brought out 80,000 – many of whom were mobilized by listening to Spanish-language radio – still, it was a show of force from one of the most – if not the most – oppressed constituencies in the country. Along with the Iraq-vets led demonstration the day before, this was the most politically significant `reminder’ to the delegates at the convention center – and the world at large – of the key issues that the next president will have to face. Although the numbers were respectable enough, the speeches at Lincoln Park were disappointing, lacking a clear focus. It appears that some of the biggest immigration rights groups in the country, who had come by bus from Los Angeles to participate, were denied access to the podium due to the `microphone hogging’ of some of the locally based organizers. Once again, Recreate 68 found itself isolated. Although its members were welcome to participate in the march, the organization was explicitly told by the march organizers they could not carry a banner or be among the sponsoring organizations.

4. Another group which held a series of information lectures that lasted the entire time of the convention was Progressive Democrats of America. In conjunction with The Nation magazine, the Progressive Dems brought an impressive array of activists and experts on many of the key issues of the day – healthcare, civil rights, Bush’s foreign policy. Although a formation within the Democratic Party trying to influence the party platform and candidates to the left, the weight of the Progressive Dems in the overall scheme of things seems rather light. As an indication, their events took place outside, not within the convention’s framework. Still I’m glad they were there and have heard that most of their events were well attended and interesting. On Thursday, the day that along with my father-in-law, Lowell Fey, I attended, I arrived just as Jesse Jackson was walking in the door. Jackson gave a powerful speech (he still can do that), reminding people of the struggles and sacrifices that preceded Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous `I Have A Dream’ speech.

Wexler Throws A Few Crumbs to The Left

Congressman Robert Wexler, who is introducing impeachment proceedings against Bush and Cheney, was less impressive. The night prior on national tv he had mentioned Israel in a speech 20-30 times. I guess that was his predetermined role. Groveling to AIPAC aside, had Wexler called for impeachment a year ago, it might have made a difference’. To do so now, with just a few months of the Bush Presidency left, seems somewhat cynical, little more than throwing a few crumbs of nothing to the left. Banners calling for impeachment, demanding the US not attack Iran hung among others in the room. Later I read that someone had stolen the banner of the US Campaign Against The Occupation – the national organization opposed to the Israeli Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza (otherwise known as Palestine). Who took it down I wonder? It was consistent with the fact that for nearly a week in Denver the word `Palestine’ appears to have disappeared from the English language. (More on this in a later entry). I also couldn’t help noticing that while the discussions and presentations were interesting enough at the Central Presbyterian Church where the Progressive Dem’s held their meetings that, like in the convention itself, there was no place in their programs for questions from the audience and that while trying to appear flexible and moderate, that moderator John Nichols of the Nation acted a bit too much as a public censor.

Although there were a few confrontations between demonstrators and the police – including several where it appeared the security forces seriously over-reacted, although flexing their muscles every day, the security response was somehow contained. Whether this was the case because Barack Obama purposefully put the breaks on police over-reaction (as I suspect he did) to avoid what could have been negative publicity or whether the city of Denver itself was restrained, is not clear. But already, what didn’t happen in the streets of Denver is sharply contrasted with is happening in Minnesota where there have been `pre-emptive’ police-FBI raids against demonstrators, arrests with charges of conspiracy (conspiracy to do WHAT?) and the arrest of many including Democracy Now announcer Amy Goodman.

Still, what went on inside the Denver convention was in many ways more interesting and in many ways more decisive for the fate of the nation than what went on in the streets. The first Black American had been nominated for the presidency by one of the two major political parties. And this is, by any measure, historic and with potentially profound consequences for the nation and in some ways the fate of the earth. But more on that in the next installment.

A Taste Of Denver: Thank God It’s Over (1)

September 1, 2008

(note: this is the first of a series of articles on the recently completed Democratic Convention that nominated Barack Obama as its candidate for the presidency. It all happened so fast that it was a bit diffuclt to process…but i’ll try)

It’s over. Finally. The Denver Democratic Convention has receded into history.

The media hype is finally dying down and life in Denver can back to usual – whatever that is. The delegates and press have left, the media barrage slowed to a trickle, Invesco Stadium quickly cleaned up to host yesterday’s annual CU-CSU football game. No more overdone security, artificial (and unconstitutional) rules to keep demonstrators at bay. `Recreate 68’ – the bogus protest group – can can mercifully disintegrate to the oblivion it deserves.

If convention demonstrators were kept from the delegates, the lobbyists were bothered with no such restrictions. They had a field day, making a mockery of those insipid laws limiting campaign financing. They have already spent $1.5 billion in total on this presidential election, on their way to top the $2.8 billion spent (or at least officially reported) last year.

Through SEIU, the public employees union, Nancy and I had the possibility of witnessing history – of attending Obama’s acceptance speech at Invesco Field with 85,000 others. We passed on that historic opportunity on hearing that we’d have to gather at 1 pm for an 8 pm speech. But the family was represented as Abbie, our younger daughter was present for the festivities and the speech.

Instead, I wound up seeing it at the Denver Press Club with a couple of good friends, together with whom I had drifted downtown. Beers in hand, we watched with about 50 others. Other than the one woman who commented loudly enough for all to hear `have you ever heard more bullshit?’- the rest of `the crowd’, mostly local journalists, seemed generally pro-Obama. The loudest cheers from that group erupted them came as Obama called for equal pay for equal work for women.

‘Little’ parties were taking place all over Denver this week, some hosted by corporations and their lobbyists, others by the politicans themselves. Nancy Pelosi held a major bash at the Denver Museum of Nature and Science. Norm Brownstein and Steve Farber, lobbyists and political players extroardinaire rented to modern art museum for a like event. This should come as no surprise. It was corporate lobbyists in large measure that had, despite laws to the contrary, almost entirely funded the Democratic National Convention, a tradition developed by the Clinton’s themselves to counter Republican corporate monetary contributions.

`In restaurants and hotels, the Financial Times (August 30, 2008) wrote, law makers mingled with lobbyists and other donors just as they do in Washington’. Among the other parties were JP Morgan’s `salute to women governors’, the Recording Industry Association’s concert featuring Kanye West. The California delegation was invited to a party hosted by ATT on Monday. The delegates were `greeted with goodies’ but the outside of the bags contained disclaimers `We [ATT] have been advised by counsel that we may not offer complimentary gift bags to public officials’ as if that somehow legitimized the gift giving.

Billy Tauzin, chief executive of the pharmaceutical lobby group PhRMA and scroundrel-extraordinaire of American politics, hosted a brunch, Tauzin, a Cajun born former US Congressman from Louisiana , retired from the US House of Representatives in 2005. Ten years prior, at sensing the winds of change, and claiming there was no place in the Democratic Party for `a moderate’ Democrat, he switched and became a Republican. It was reported that upon his retirement, the PhRMA offered Tauzin more than $2.5 million per year for his services, outbidding the Motion Picture Association of America, which had offered Tauzin $1 million to lobby for it.[1]

(to be continued)

A Taste Of Denver: Thank God It’s Over (3):

September 1, 2008

 The Arrest and Manhandling of Democracy Now’s Amy Goodman and Associates at the Republican National Convention in St. Paul, Minn

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

September 1, 2008

Contact:
Mike Burke: mike@democracynow.org

**UPDATE**

Democracy Now!’s Amy Goodman, Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Nicole Salazar
Released After Illegal Arrest at RNC

Goodman Charged with Obstruction; Felony Riot Charges Pending Against
Kouddous and Salazar

ST. PAUL–Democracy Now! host Amy Goodman and producers Sharif Abdel
Kouddous and Nicole Salazar have all been released from police custody
in St. Paul following their illegal arrest by Minneapolis Police on
Monday afternoon.

All three were violently manhandled by law enforcement officers. Abdel
Kouddous was slammed against a wall and the ground, leaving his arms
scraped and bloodied. He sustained other injuries to his chest and back.
Salazar’s violent arrest by baton-wielding officers, during which she
was slammed to the ground while yelling, “I’m Press! Press!,” resulted
in her nose bleeding, as well as causing facial pain. Goodman’s arm was
violently yanked by police as she was arrested.

On Tuesday, Democracy Now! will broadcast video of these arrests, as
well as the broader police action. These will also be available on:
http://www.democracynow.org/

Goodman was arrested while questioning police about the unlawful
detention of Kouddous and Salazar who were arrested while they carried
out their journalistic duties in covering street demonstrations at the
Republican National Convention. Goodman’s crime appears to have been
defending her colleagues and the freedom of the press.

Ramsey County Sheriff Bob Fletcher told Democracy Now! that Kouddous and Salazar were arrested on suspicion of rioting, a felony. While the three
have been released, they all still face charges stemming from their
unlawful arrest. Kouddous and Salazar face pending charges of suspicion
of felony riot, while Goodman has been officially charged with
obstruction of a legal process and interference with a “peace officer.”

Democracy Now! forcefully rejects all of these charges as false and an
attempt at intimidation of these journalists. We demand that the charges
be immediately and completely dropped.

Democracy Now! stands by Goodman, Kouddous and Salazar and condemns this action by Twin Cities’ law enforcement as a clear violation of the
freedom of the press and the First Amendment rights of these journalists.

During the demonstration in which the Democracy Now! team was arrested,
law enforcement officers used pepper spray, rubber bullets, concussion
grenades and excessive force against protesters and journalists. Several
dozen demonstrators were also arrested during this action, including a
photographer for the Associated Press.

Amy Goodman is one of the most well-known and well-respected journalists
in the United States. She has received journalism’s top honors for her
reporting and has a distinguished reputation of bravery and courage. The
arrest of Goodman, Kouddous and Salazar and the subsequent criminal
charges and threat of charges are a transparent attempt to intimidate
journalists.

Democracy Now! is a nationally-syndicated public TV and radio program
that airs on over 700 radio and TV stations across the US and the globe.

Video of Amy Goodman’s Arrest: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oYjyvkR0bGQ

No Georgian Kekkonens In Sight (3)

August 18, 2008

http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/wallerstein170808.html

Geopolitical Chess:
Background to a Mini-war in the Caucasus

by Immanuel Wallerstein

The world has been witness this month to a mini-war in the Caucasus, and the rhetoric has been passionate, if largely irrelevant. Geopolitics is a gigantic series of two-player chess games, in which the players seek positional advantage. In these games, it is crucial to know the current rules that govern the moves. Knights are not allowed to move diagonally.

From 1945 to 1989, the principal chess game was that between the United States and the Soviet Union. It was called the Cold War, and the basic rules were called metaphorically “Yalta.” The most important rule concerned a line that divided Europe into two zones of influence. It was called by Winston Churchill the “Iron Curtain” and ran from Stettin to Trieste. The rule was that, no matter how much turmoil was instigated in Europe by the pawns, there was to be no actual warfare between the United States and the Soviet Union. And at the end of each instance of turmoil, the pieces were to be returned to where they were at the outset. This rule was observed meticulously right up to the collapse of the Communisms in 1989, which
was most notably marked by the destruction of the Berlin wall.

It is perfectly true, as everyone observed at the time, that the Yalta rules
were abrogated in 1989 and that the game between the United States and (as of 1991) Russia had changed radically. The major problem since then is that the United States misunderstood the new rules of the game. It proclaimed itself, and was proclaimed by many others, the lone superpower. In terms of chess rules, this was interpreted to mean that the United States was free to move about the chessboard as it saw fit, and in particular to transfer former Soviet pawns to its sphere of influence. Under Clinton, and even more spectacularly under George W. Bush, the United States proceeded to play the game this way.

There was only one problem with this: The United States was not the lone superpower; it was no longer even a superpower at all. The end of the Cold War meant that the United States had been demoted from being one of two superpowers to being one strong state in a truly multilateral distribution of real power in the interstate system. Many large countries were now able to play their own chess games without clearing their moves with one of the two erstwhile superpowers. And they began to do so.

Two major geopolitical decisions were made in the Clinton years. First, the
United States pushed hard, and more or less successfully, for the incorporation of erstwhile Soviet satellites into NATO membership. These countries were themselves anxious to join, even though the key western European countries — Germany and France — were somewhat reluctant to go down this path. They saw the U.S. maneuver as one aimed in part at them, seeking to limit their newly-acquired freedom of geopolitical action.

The second key U.S. decision was to become an active player in the boundary realignments within the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. This culminated in a decision to sanction, and enforce with their troops, the de facto secession of Kosovo from Serbia.

Russia, even under Yeltsin, was quite unhappy about both these U.S. actions. However, the political and economic disarray of Russia during the Yeltsin years was such that the most it could do was complain, somewhat feebly it should be added.

The coming to power of George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin was more or less
simultaneous. Bush decided to push the lone superpower tactics (the United
States can move its pieces as it alone decides) much further than had Clinton.

First, Bush in 2001 withdrew from the 1972 U.S.-Soviet Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Then he announced that the United States would not move to ratify two new treaties signed in the Clinton years: the 1996 Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the agreed changes in the SALT II nuclear disarmament treaty. Then Bush announced that the United States would move forward with its National Missile Defense system.

And of course, Bush invaded Iraq in 2003. As part of this engagement, the
United States sought and obtained rights to military bases and overflight rights in the Central Asian republics that formerly were part of the Soviet Union. In addition, the United States promoted the construction of pipelines for Central Asian and Caucasian oil and natural gas that would bypass Russia. And finally, the United States entered into an agreement with Poland and the Czech Republic to establish missile defense sites, ostensibly to guard against Iranian missiles. Russia, however, regarded them as aimed at her.

Putin decided to push back much more effectually than Yeltsin. As a prudent player, however, he moved first to strengthen his home base — restoring
effective central authority and reinvigorating the Russian military. At this
point, the tides in the world-economy changed, and Russia suddenly became a wealthy and powerful controller not only of oil production but of the natural gas so needed by western European countries.

Putin thereupon began to act. He entered into treaty relationships with China. He maintained close relations with Iran. He began to push the United States out of its Central Asian bases. And he took a very firm stand on the further extension of NATO to two key zones — Ukraine and Georgia.

The breakup of the Soviet Union had led to ethnic secessionist movements in many former republics, including Georgia. When Georgia in 1990 sought to end the autonomous status of its non-Georgian ethnic zones, they promptly proclaimed themselves independent states. They were recognized by no one but Russia guaranteed their de facto autonomy.

The immediate spurs to the current mini-war were twofold. In February, Kosovo formally transformed its de facto autonomy to de jure independence. Its move was supported by and recognized by the United States and many western European countries. Russia warned at the time that the logic of this move applied equally to the de facto secessions in the
former Soviet republics. In Georgia, Russia moved immediately, for the first
time, to recognize South Ossetian de jure independence in direct response to that of Kosovo.

And in April this year, the United States proposed at the NATO meeting that
Georgia and Ukraine be welcomed into a so-called Membership Action Plan.
Germany, France, and the United Kingdom all opposed this action, saying it would provoke Russia.

Georgia’s neoliberal and strongly pro-American president, Mikhail Saakashvili, was now desperate. He saw the reassertion of Georgian authority in South Ossetia (and Abkhazia) receding forever. So, he chose a moment of Russian inattention (Putin at the Olympics, Medvedev on vacation) to invade South Ossetia. Of course, the puny South Ossetian military collapsed completely.

Saakashvili expected that he would be forcing the hand of the United States (and indeed of Germany and France as well). Instead, he got an immediate Russian military response, overwhelming the small Georgian army. What
he got from George W. Bush was rhetoric. What, after all, could Bush do? The
United States was not a superpower. Its armed forces were tied down in two
losing wars in the Middle East. And, most important of all, the United States
needed Russia far more than Russia needed the United States. Russia’s foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, pointedly noted in an op-ed in the Financial Times that Russia was a “partner with the west on . . . the Middle East, Iran and North Korea.”

As for western Europe, Russia essentially controls its gas supplies. It is no
accident that it was President Sarkozy of France, not Condoleezza Rice, who
negotiated the truce between Georgia and Russia. The truce contained two
essential concessions by Georgia. Georgia committed itself to no further use of  force in South Ossetia, and the agreement contained no reference to Georgian territorial integrity.

So, Russia emerged far stronger than before. Saakashvili had bet everything he has and was now geopolitically bankrupt. And, as an ironic footnote, Georgia, one of the last U.S. allies in the coalition in Iraq, withdrew all its 2,000 troops from Iraq. These troops had been playing a crucial role in Shi’a areas, and would now have to be replaced by U.S. troops, which will have to be withdrawn from other areas.

If one plays geopolitical chess, it is best to know the rules, or one gets
out-maneuvered.

Immanuel Wallerstein is Distinguished Professor Emeritus of Sociology, State University of New York at Binghamton. Among his numerous books are The Modern World-System (1974, 1980, 1989), Unthinking Social Science (1991), After Liberalism (1995), The End of the World As We Know It (1999), and The Decline of American Power: The U.S. in a Chaotic World (2003).

No Georgian Kekkonens In Sight (2)

August 14, 2008

McCain’s Dose of Political Viagra: A New Cold War With Russia

The situation between Russia and Georgia has a long complex history, one that exploded once again in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. As in such situations, many questions remain concerning just how and why this mini-war started and what has been the US role in these events.

For example…
• Although the United States has put a considerable amount time and energy into training the Georgian military, the State Dept. had urged Georgian President Mihkeil Saakashvili not to initiate military action against Georgia.
• Although Saakashvili was warned not to attack South Ossetia, he might have concluded that once military operations were initiated that the US would offer military support (which did not happen)
• US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice, whom Bush has ordered to go to Tbilisi seemed somewhat confused at her press conference in Washington raising questions as to whether the U.S. State Department even had prior knowledge of the Georgian military actions. It suggests, once again, that the U.S. military takes actions of which the State Department is not always aware. Given the large scale US military missions in Georgia, it is virtually impossible that the Defense Dept, and the Vice President were unaware of Georgia’s military intentions
• While questions remain as to just how deeply involved was the Bush Administration in the planning and execution of the Georgian military foray into South Ossetia, what is much clearer is the political campaign to vilify and isolate Russia in the wake the Russian-Georgian clash in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

Most of the Civilian Casualties Killed by Georgian Militias

Today, one of Denver’s local papers shows a front page photo of Georgian civilians running from Russian tanks. It will evoke a justified wave of sympathy for the innocent Georgian civilians caught up in the fighting. But no photos or articles about those South Ossetian civilians massacred by the invading Georgian military are there to balance them out. Nor will there be. For the public relations campaign to be successful, all the blame – or the overwhelming amount of it – for crisis must be placed on Russia. Sympathy is being whipped up for the Georgians, the `little nation’ once again oppressed by its big neighbor with its wacky neo-con president president who provoked the crisis in the first place being cast as Georgia’s `David’ facing the Russian Goliath. Please. John McCain is on the attack, calling the Russian incurision into Georgia as the most significant crisis since the end of the Cold War and CNN shamelessly gives Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili full use of its airwaves to give his spin to events. No Abkhazian, South Ossetian or Russian will get similar access – if any at all. So once again we’re been set up, softened up, manipulated by a media that doesn’t exactly lie, but only gives a loaded version of the stiatuon. .

Little is made of the fact that it is the Georgians that initiated military actions and that the overwhelming number of the 2000 civilian casualties were not caused by Russian air bombing but by out of control Georgian militias attacking South Ossetia. Nor do we hear anything – or hardly anything from the Abkhazians and South Ossetians who see, not Russia, but Georgia as the aggressor. Already, virtually no comment explanation that Russians give are viewed with any credibility. Sergie Lavrov might as well be Ahmadinejad talking.

It is especially touching to to note how George Bush and John McCain who have trampled and re-invented international law defending the administration’s actions in Iraq, are now imploring the Russians to respect it and the UN Security Council in Georgia. It will be interesting to learn – and some day we will perhaps – if these militia’s had US commanders or advisors (either from the U.S. military itself or from private militias like Blackwater) and what, if any role, the many Israeli military advisors played in the Georgian offensive.

US Claims of Military Support Hollow

Concerning the war on the ground – in a few short days, the Russian Army and Air Force made mincemeat of the US-Israeli trained Georgian army. It is not unlike what happened to all those US, Israeli, Saudi, and Egyptian trained militias in Lebanon that Hezbollah wiped out in a matter of hours. Overnight, Georgian military preparedness collapsed as half the army deserted by foot back into Georgia. Not a pretty site. While I have no doubt that Russian aerial bombing has caused civilian casualties, even mainstream American media admits that the main focus of the Russian military offensive was Georgia’s military structures. Not much left of them now.

And the Russian military successes in Georgia showed to all of Eastern and Southern Europe just how hollow were the US claims of military support. The Bush Administration claims of standing behind Georgia have proven laughable. Yes, Bush is standing behind Georgia, some 6,000 miles behind it. Having once again encouraged (in one way or another) a Middle Eastern ally into action and then leave them dangling by their tootsies so to speak (the Kurds in Iraq many times, the Iraqi Shi’ites, more recently US allies – those little half-assed right-wing miliitias in Lebanon expecting US help), now the Bush Administration launches a global propaganda campaign to cover up its own failures.

And it is a loud one.

John McCain’s New Leae On Life: Reshaping the fear factor

But all this has given John McCain a new lease on life .

McCain has found himself in a tizzy as the American electorate seems more interested in ending wars that getting into new ones. The old lines, that we are winning the war in Iraq, that Ahmadinejad is someone akin to Genghis Khan, just weren’t striking home. For all the propaganda the American people are fed, they still are against the war in Iraq and opposed to the US taking military action against Iran. The problem is that McCain is getting no traction for his pro-Iraq-war-bomb-Iran stance. He has not been able to play the fear factor – so critical to Bush’s two presidential bids – successfully. For McCain, whose militarist streak matches that of Bush, this is serious indeed.

But now perhaps McCain has found his portion of political viagra by taking the old Soviet threat out of the closet, dusting it off and setting it in motion once again. Certainly, the evolving global campaign against Russia is already reminiscent of Cold War anti-Soviet campaigns of past eras. Unable to whip up support for John McCain’s Iraq or Iran policies – which boil down to Cheney’s interpretation of eternal war in the Middle East – the Republicans, looking for a springboard to get McCain’s flagging presidential bid off the ground, have shifted gears.

The Georgian-Russian crisis over Abkhazia and South Ossetia thus provides McCain with a golden opportunity. Why not resurrect the old anti-Soviet threat – slightly revised and polished up for modern audiences? Behind the overblown – and not credible – US support for Georgia – is the shadow of a US-Russian military confrontation that brings with it the threat of escalation to nuclear war. So once again the United States is willing to play high stakes poker with the fate of the earth and as it has done so often on the past, transform U.S. supported military aggression into `victimhood’.

So let the sabre rattling begin. And it has begun.

News that the Russians brought SS-21 missile launchers with them into S. Ossetia to counter any US conventional air bombings suggest a very serious Russian response. It seems Saakashvili is doing what he can to draw the United States into the military aspect of the confrontation.
Although the Bush Administration denies it, Saakashvili claims that the US military now controls Georgian airspace. Certainly in response to US pressure, Ukraine is talking about limiting Russian naval access to its Black Sea ports.

And now the queen of contemporary diplomatic clowns, our own Secretary of State and Chevron board of directors member, Condoleeza Rice, who has supported every diplomatic twist in Bush’s policies for eight years in her different capacities will see what poisonous magic she can sew. And that is what is happening with a willing media once again, going out of its way to pitch in. A major political campaign, another American jihad, is in the making, this time targeting Russia. The idelogical groundwork for war is once again being laid. But this time , Bush is toying with a more formidable adversary. Russia is not Grenada. Images of Stalin and Hitler have already appeared, talk of sanctions, threats to kick Russia out of the Group of Eight, etc. Pathetic attempts to compare Georgia with Afghanistan will follow. John Hagee and the messianic lobby are are getting really excited, and AIPAC is already upset that all this could prevent the United States from attacking Iran.

McCain’s goal is to put pressure on Obama to to join in the frenzy, and in so doing, to compromise the Democrat’s presidential bid. It just might work.

No Georgian Kekkonens In Sight

August 12, 2008

 `Poor Georgia, So Far From God, So Close To Russia?’

Finland is far afield from Georgia (the country with Tblisi as capitol, not the state where Atlanta and Savannah reside). But in the sense that it has had to deal with a powerful Russian neighbor, Helsinki – along with all of Russia’s smaller neighbors – shares a common dilemma: how to survive in the shadow of its more powerful and oft overbearing neighbor. Such dilemmas face many nations in different parts of the world. Many Caribbean and Central American countries face a similar predicament visa their neighbor to the north. And thus the wonderful quote by 19th century Mexican president Juarez that goes `Poor Mexico, so far from God, so close to the United States’. I wonder if there is a Georgian equivalent concerning Russia? And if not, there should be.

The problem that Georgia (or Finland or Estonia or Poland) face with Russia is not new: how to manage to maintain their independence in the shadow of `the giant’. The way it has often been done is to pit another giant against the Russian one – be it the UK, Germany or since World War II, the USA. During World War II, Finland, while not a fascist country at the time, first bet on Germany – Nazi Germany that is – to counter a genuine Soviet threat to their independence. Although the Finns don’t particularly like talking about it, even 65 years later, they were allied with the Nazis and participated with them in the siege of Leningrad that left a million and a half Russians dead of cold and starvation.

Then two (not so) little events transpired that gave the Finns pause to reconsider: the Soviet victory at Stalingrad and the greatest tank battle of all time at Kursk which the Soviets also won..

Understanding that their fate was in the balance – the Finnish leadership made a hasty but historic shift in policy. A delegation went to Moscow, it ate crow in front of Stalin himself who demanded many things, among them Finnish territory, reparations, post war Soviet military bases and the Finnish commitment to expel the Nazis from Finland north of the Arctic Circle. If you think that Finland got a raw deal, think again. Compare its fate with its neighbors across the Baltic – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania -. Finland came out of World War II an independent country and one that greatly benefitted both politically and economically from its pledge of neutrality in the cold war.

Learning From Finland

The lesson – and the political strategy that ensued – was simple: that while remaining a western capitalist country Finland would not enter into any military or security alliances that could be considered anti-Soviet, that the country would not be used as a launching pad for anti-Soviet economic and political subversion. The architects of this policy were two politically conservative to-centrist Finns, Juho Kusti Paasakivi and Urho Kekkonen and their approach to the Cold War of active neutrality was referred to as the Paasakivi-Kekkonen line.

It worked to an extraordinary degree. From what I can tell, the line – now geared to Russia in the wake of the collapse of the USSR and Soviet communism – more or less continues. It has been nothing short of the political key to Finland’s security and economic success. Although a virtual unknown here in the United States, when Kekkonen died in December of 1986, by then already mentally decimated by Alzheimers’ or something akin to it, there was hardly a Finnish household – left, right or center – where the tears didn’t flow. And for good reason. An original political genius, he and Paasakivi before him had steered his country through some of the roughest political waters imaginable. And the result, with its security situation stabilized, Finland – where my family and I lived for nearly five years in the late 1980s – made impressive progress on the economic, political and human levels.

`A Parasite Country Look for A New Host Country To Bleed’

It seems that Georgia could learn a great deal from Finland’s example, but apparently it has not. In the past decade it has tied its fate economically and militarily to the United States – and its key Middle Eastern partner, Israel. A well connected friend of mine put Georgia’s post Soviet dilemma rather tartly referring to Russia’s southern neighbor in the Caucuses as `a parasite nation looking for a new host country to bleed’. With yet another one of these Harvard educated neoliberal-pickled presidents in Mikheil Saakashvili there should be no great surprise that Georgia cannot run fast enough into Bush’s embrace

Could it have been that Georgia was encouraged in this recent military adventure – there is no question that it is Georgia that started the fighting – by the United States? (for credible reinforcement of this hypothesis, click here) Not clear at this point although the facts are leaning in that direction. It is possible that Bush, and particularly Cheney, unable to attack Iran, were looking to provoke a war elsewhere in the region to strengthen McCain’s chances of winning the presidency? But our Vice President, with his stellar record on human rights and peace making wouldn’t do such a thing, would he? Keep in mind that the statements from his office as the war started were easily the most bellicose coming out of Washington, as if he wanted to see the war expanded behind its lilmited nature.

What is certain is that strong military ties between Tblisi, Washington and Tel Aviv exist. What would Washington get out of encouraging such a provocation? One thing, the Bush Administration could gauge just how far Russia could be pushed before it responded militarily and if it responded, to what extent. Georgia takes all the risks, the US and Israel gain strategic insights and lose little. (Actually the US did lose political ground as result of this spat).

A slight hint of the US role has already surfaced – Russian criticism of U.S. transport planes moving Georgian troops from Iraq to Tblisi to participate in the fighting. In so doing the U.S. was not exactly playing a neutral role. There is other information for anyone serious enough to check it out. Officially, on the military front, according to the Pentagon there are 127 U.S. military `consultants’ training the Georgian army, among them about 35 who are civilian `Blackwater’ type contractors.

According to Shagra Elam `in addition to the trainers, 1000 (US) soldiers from Vicenza, the Italy-based Southern European Task Force along with US Marine reservists from the 25th Marine Battalion out of Ohio and elements of the Georgia National Guard recently participated in what was called `Immediate Response 2008′ near Tblisi. `Operation Immediate Response’ was held from July 15-30 with U.S personnel training about 600 troops at a former Soviet base. The goal of this operation was allegedly teaching combat skills for Georgian missions in Iraq.

Then there are hundreds of Israeli military advisors in the country as well. Again, according to Shraga, an Israeli website known for its publication of conspiracy theories, DebkaFile, believes that over 1000 Israelis were involved in the Georgian military action which provoked the pronounced Russian response. As Shraga notes `this conclusion [that Israel was intimately involved in the Georgian military action] sounds plausible. Other sources point to similar links between the United States and Israel militaries and the current Georgian administration. Furthermore keep in mind that in the age of George Bush II that the US military (and intelligence agencies) often acts without the knowledge or premission of the State Department.

At US Bidding (?) Georgia Jabs, Russia Strikes Back Harder

Although it appears that the fighting between Russian and Georgian troops over South Ossetia and Abkhazia has died down after 4-5 days, it was not before several thousand people lost their lives, and a number of Georgian cities and towns were bombed from the air by Russian jets, causing a national and human panic.

An email from a former Georgian student to friends at the University of Denver’s Korbel School of International Studies where I teach, gives a glimpse of the horror of war of a small country like Georgia having to stand up to its more powerful neighbor and often colonizer.

“They are putting bases mainly at Georgian military and police stations. Streets of captured towns (especially in conflict zones) are full with Russian tanks. At this moment they are not attacking population directly. Though the clashes and air bombing of previous days caused significant civilian and well as military casualties. The numbers are difficult to verify so far. ”

“What can I say… it is terrible! No one would imagine Russia going so far in its aggressive politics on Caucasus. International community’s incapability to stop Russian aggression is just astonishing and frustrating. It is just blatant invasion in sovereign country far from any logic and morale. We’ve suffered the same from Russians already in 1921 and after collapse of USSR in 90ies. This has been a second war in my country affecting me personally as some of you know (I’m an international displaced person from from Abkhazia A/R). I’m just feeling frustration and anger and can’t help it.”

Washington and Tel Aviv Should Have Known Better…

While there is some truth to the picture painted above, unfortunately, there is much left out as well.

The biggest gap in the scenario is – once again – the U.S. media’s failure to point out that Russian troops entered Southern Ossetia in response to a major Georgian military invasion of the region. Hoping to use the Peking Olympics as a diversion of the world’s attention, Georgian President Saakashvili ordered a major offensive to reclaim Southern Ossetia, which has been since 1992 in a special situation in which formal Georgian sovereignty is acknowledged but with Russian military forces in place as peace keepers.

Saakashvili ordered nothing short of a full scale invasion of the region and Georgian military marched on the S. Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali. There were reports of outright massacres of Ossetians by the Georgian forces with the number of civilian dead exceeding 2000 by some reports. The impression the media gives is that these are mostly Russians living in S. Ossetia. In fact there are very few Russians living in this area, most of the victims being of Ossetian (it is a separate ethnic group with its own history) ethnic origin. The Russians intervened – certainly for strategic reasons – but also to stop this bloodbath. Even the Financial Times (8/12, 8/13, 2008) admits that this description of the evolution of events is accurate (although the number of civilian victims remains unclear). So it wasn’t the Russians slaughtering Georgians that precipitated the crisis but the US-Israeli trained Georgian military that provoked the violence and engaged in what amounts to wholesale massacres.

Not that any of what follows can justify the Russian military offensive given Russian history as a colonial power in the region, but it is simply not accurate that Georgia was an innocent victim in all this. At the time of the Russian offensive, Georgian troops had initiated series of military forays into South Ossetia and Abkhazia – both formally a part of Georgia, but both with sizable Russian populations with secessionist movements.

Further, given the sizeable US (and Israeli) military missions in Georgia, it is highly unlikely that the attempted Georgian military offensive to which the Russians responded (even the Financial Times admits the Russians were provoked) which such force and brutality undertook these actions without the knowledge and approval of both Washington and Tel Aviv.

It is not only unlikely but virtually impossible that the United States and Israel were not involved in the Georgian military offensive against Russian positions in South Ossetia. Such things – taking military action against Russia – simply do not happen `by themselves’. It does not ring true that a country as small and fragile as Georgia would take such dramatic military action without first `consulting’ and `getting permission’.

What Bush and Olmert did not anticipate was the powerful Russian military response.

But they should have.

It has been quite clear for some time now that the Georgian government of Mikheil Saakashvili has been moving as far away from Russia and as close to the United States as possible. Georgia has opened itself up to a significant US military and economic penetration that sooner or later was bound to provoke a strong Russian reaction. In a way, Georgia finds itself in the same situation as many other Russian neighbors – fearing Russian territorial desires and looking for some kind of international lever that might be used to counter Russian influence.

The tensions between Russia and Georgia are also geo-political in nature involving the United States which has set up a ring of military bases around Russia, not unlike that which existed during the Cold War, except now the bases are even closer to the Russian heartland than during the Soviet era. To no avail, Russia has been warning Europe and the United States for some time, that the Western military perimeter surrounding Russia had been pushed to the limit.

NATO Goes Over The Edge

The turning point for the Russians appears to have been the April, 2008 NATO meeting where it was decided that sooner or later, Georgia would be let into the US dominated Cold War dinosaur.

Many question why it is that in the post Cold War era, such an alliance – which obviously targets Russia despite claims to the contrary – is necessary. With the disappearance of the Warsaw Pact alliance in Eastern Europe, the rationale for NATO’s existence – other than to enhance US political leverage in Central Europe – has evaporated. And from the outset of the post Cold War era, Russia has repeated asked, `why NATO’ and has hardly gotten satisfactory responses. The dismantling of Yugoslavia and the more recent recognition of Kosovo independence – which Russian concerns were simply brushed aside – only strengthened Russian suspicions And so Moscow `drew the line’ in Southern Ossetia.

To heap on the insults, now the United States is planning to put anti-ballistic missiles in Poland and the Czech Republic, arguing unconvincingly that it is to defend those countries from a possible Iranian attack. Imagine! The Russians do not feel any safer having US missiles closer to their borders. The U.S. insists – but no one in the region believes – that the missiles are not targeting Russia. The US efforts to build an oil pipeline from the Caspian Sea to Turkey, though Georgia bypassing Russian territory only added to Russia suspicions.

As a number of commentators suggest, the Russian military offensive was essentially a warning shot not only to Georgia but also to the Ukraine who would also like to join the alliance. The promise of Georgian NATO member comes late in the game as many other Eastern European countries have joined the alliance. Russia has looked nervously on as a slew of its former allies or – or member nations of the now defunct USSR – have joined NATO, among them Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia.

Russian Claims, Russian Gains

Russian claims that its show of force in Georgia was necessary to restore order and defend Ossetian locals are hard to take serious as are the assertions that the military offensive was essentially a humanitarian mission aimed at preventing ethnic cleansing (of ethnic Russians) and even `genocide’. Please. It rings as hollow as Bush talking about invading Iraq to install democracy.

What is at play instead is the battle of the two doctrines pushing against each other like tectonic plates – the Brezhnev Doctrine as it was called, in which first the USSR and now Russia give themselves the right to intervene militarily in countries beyond their borders when they see their interests threatened, and the Carter-Reagan-Bush Doctrines which give the United States the right to declare any piece of property anywhere in the world as a strategic asset that the US has the right to defend by pre-emptive war.

While I don’t think that World War III will start over the crisis in Georgia – this conflict, combined with usual jingoistic stupidities coming out of Washington both from Cheney and McCain – raise the specter of a much larger confrontation. It’s one thing to `bring on Al Qaeda’ quite another to challenge the Russians – in their own back yard so to speak – in the same reckless manner.

My initial sense is that Russia soundly won this round – at the price of a lot of innocent lives. It’s military penetration was short and devastating, setting in motion a whole series of political consequences all of which are not entirely clear but which include the following:
This military offensive `sends a message’. Actually it sends a slew of messages at once. Among them that
– it is an attempt to re-establish Russia’s political authority in the Caucasus after nearly two decades of slippage, especially to the United States
– it is a Russian attempt to implement Bush Administration policies of `regime change’ in Georgia. Moscow wants Saakashvili out and a more Moscow friendly leadership to emerge in Georgia
– it sends a clear message to the Ukraine that it should not consider joining NATO.
– Russia will not hesitate to use force to reverse what it considers to be the strategic strangulation by the United States and Europe, even if it means a military confrontation with the United States. They have had enough shoved down their throats.
– it exposes the Bush Administration as incapable of controlling or saving its allies..
– and it just might be a warning to the United States and its European allies whose naval armada continues to grow in the Persian Gulf that a US and or Israeli attack on Iran might not be taken lightly. The ante for such a plan has just been upped considerably.

The pre-emptive bobsy twins can no longer make their military plans in the Middle East region with impunity. Russia has – in its own cruel way – made it clear that it too is a player.

Death of Pat Mahoney, long time Catholic Humanist, Long Distance Runner for Peace and Justice

August 3, 2008

It has always been interesting to me to see how different people process their religious upbringing. It can serve an excuse for supporting the status quo – as it seems to be with something of a vengeance for the current Denver Archbishop Chaput, who is arguably the most reactionary Catholic leader in this state’s history and an anachronism – if not an insult – to Catholicism’s deeper humanistic traditions. Contrast him with Sister Pat Mahoney, long time a Denver social justice activist who gave her life to working particularly with drug addicts but also was an integral part of the city’s peace movement during the long years she blessed us with her presence in Colorado. Mahoney died recently in San Francisco where she has relocated in the late 1980s

In 1981, accompanied by another nun, Ann Marie Nord, and having a forged security pass, Sister Pat Mahoney drove through the entrance of the Rocky Flats Nuclear Weapons Plant northwest of Denver on to the plant grounds. Once inside the facility, the two nuns got out, hoisted a flag which said `Death Factory’, waited to get arrested, prayed for an end of the nuclear arms race and for Rocky Flats to stop making plutonium triggers for the US nuclear arsenal. For their actions, Federal District Judge Zita Weinshank sentenced the two to five years in a federal peniteniary, suspending all but six months of it which the two nuns served. The next year in a kind of follow up operation, two other nuns, Pat McCormick being one, broke through the Rocky Flats gate, planted crosses with pictures of the world’s poor on them, poured blood (donated by peace activists of all faiths, including a few drops secular drops of my own) and waited in turn to be arrested.

Much of Mahoney’s work centered around the Catholic Worker House, – that class conscious national movement started by Dorothy Day that continues to this day and includes small but active circles of Catholic activists, both in Colorado Springs and Denver. Running soup kitchens for the poor, active in the peace – and most especially the anti-nuclear and Latin American solidarity movements, the Catholic Worker movement in which Pat Mahoney participated has been a quiet but enduring – and effective – part of the broader peace movements and includes among its ranks such talented peace organizers as Tom Rauch, Byron Plumley, Shirley Whiteside, Bill Sulzman down in the Springs, Pat McCormick, Ken and Mag Seaman and ofcourse the unimitatable William Watts. Many, many others including recently deceased close friends of mine – Jack Galvin and Scott Keating – were influenced by the Catholic Worker although their active political work was in more secular realms most of the time. Galvin and Keating never lost their personal connection with Catholic Worker friends, some of whom showed up to pay their respects at memorial services when the two companeros died within months of each other last summer and fall. Even some of `Recreate-68’s ‘ airheads flirted with the Catholic Worker, but, unable to understand the social chemistry of a genuine social movement just moved on to flashier but more irrelevant forms of activism.

Catholic Worker supporters, activists are found in virtually every important social movement in Colorado and have been since the 1930s when the movement was first founded. . They are there – whether it’ s in the labor, peace or civil rights activitieies, – wherever there is poverty, racism, sexism and other forms of oppression, you’ll find them. Although I don’t share a similar `point of departure’, I am no longer surprised that our concerns – and many of the solutions – converge again and again. In the movements for peace and social justice, Christian, Jew, Muslim, Hindi, Marxist and Democrat find the best of one another and come to appreciate the values of each that form the moral basis of vibrant social movements. Common values connect in the end – simply different ways of expressing respect if not love for all of humanity.

They – the Catholic Worker people – seem to have developed an almost visceral sense of fighting injustice. Occasionally their actions hit the headlines, like when the three nuns protested the nuclear arms race by symbolically hitting the gate of a nuclear missile site in NE Colorado. But more often than not it’s that less dramatic stuff, the day to day grind of organizing for no or little money, year in and year out – that which separates the fly-by-nights, the trust fund babies playing with left politics from the real thing – which characterizes their work and the work of others like Betty Ball, Caroline Bninski in Boulder, Sarah Gill and Claire Ryder in Denver, people who never lose sight of the human dimension of organizing.. And as such the Catholic Worker people, the Pat Mahoneys are among the long distance runners of the peace movement. And we should cherish their contribution and their memory.

In a city that has seen social movements come and go over the past forty years, the Catholic Worker movement is something of an oddity. It has endured, and more – although modest in size, it has, through its efforts, managed to maintain a strong sense of community. That is no small accomplishment. I contrast it with Jewish groups like New Jewish Agenda, that had a nice run in the 1980s before virtually collapsing under the weight of various pressures it could not withstand. True a few new groups are emerging to pick up the slack. In contrast,Catholic Worker just keeps on trucking. And while the political base of American Catholics has, in recent decades, shifted right, the Catholic Worker movement is there, a kind of anchor, preventing American Catholics from going even further over the edge. What a wonderful legacy to have been a part of, and to leave for future generations of Catholics and even hard bitten non-believers like myself. Pat Mahoney’s spirit will forever be a part of that movement.

Below is an portrait of Pat Mahoney sent to me by William Watts this morning.

> 30 Years. . .
> But Who’s Counting?
> by Julie O’Neill, BVM
>
> http://www.bvmcong.org/Salt/salt/summer2008.pdf (note – this is a link to a magazine, Mahoney is on the cover)

> The volunteers are hurrying to complete last minute preparations and
> Pat Mahoney, BVM (Mel) is right there in the midst of all the
> activity.

> The site is Martin dePorres Food Kitchen in San Francisco and the
> first thing one notices upon entering the garden and then the dining
> room itself are all the pictures and “altars.”

> Original images and paintings from the guests themselves are
> side-by-side with pictures/statues of Mary Magdalene, Mother Teresa,
> Buddha, Martin dePorres, Dorothy Day, Our Lady of Guadalupe, Eagle
> Feathers, Moses and St. Francis of Assisi. Indeed, the guests take
> great pride in enriching the environment of the site.

> Pat’s been a regular member of the volunteer crew at Martin’s since
> 1988 when she arrived from Denver where she’d given ten years of
> service. Her years of various ministries before 1978 paved the way for
> her 30 year commitment to the Catholic Worker Movement.

> After being assigned to teach in Hawaii in 1963, Pat began her studies
> at the University of Hawaii. While there, she began her long term
> volunteer connection with the John Howard Agency’s methadone program  for treating street addicts and G.I. “junkies.”

> In 1970, Pat was hired fulltime by the agency in Honolulu.
> Additionally, she began serving 18 months on the Grand Jury. She knew
> LOTS of narcotic officers, and, eventually, was judged to be too
> closely connected to remain on the jury.

> After a year at Guadalupe College in Los Gatos and a year’s sabbatical
> at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, Pat settled with the
> Catholic Worker House in Denver where she participated in many peace
> activities. Demonstrations in theRocky Flats area frequently involved
> thousands of persons and arrests were an everyday occurrence.

> Pat re-located to San Francisco in 1988 and joined the Martin dePorres
> “family.” Until St. Paul’s Convent closed in 1995, Pat lived with
> other BVMs there.

> For the past 13 years, she has lived in “David House.” To reside
> there, a volunteer must work at Martin’s Kitchen, demonstrate a
> support for the work at the kitchen and be really committed to the
> work of the Catholic Worker Movement.

> During a typical week at Martin’s, the guests receive a variety of
> services: ten meals, showers, informal counseling and fi rst aid
> assistance, massages and a chance to “sit and just talk.”

> Pat will be the first on to assure you that every week is not
> “typical”—every day is not “easy”—every guest is not “agreeable”! Most
> of the guests are homeless and many are mentally ill, alcoholic and/or
> on drugs. Hopefully, some are in detox or rehab.

> Recently another soup kitchen in San Francisco served its last free
> meal. The Haight-Asbury kitchen ended its quarter of a century of care
> in April after serving as many as 450 guests a day. Certainly,
> Martin’s will be struggling to meet the ever-increasing needs of the
> hungry in their area!

> Volunteers are the “heart” of the program and they come from church
> groups, family members, friends at work, students completing school
> service projects and those working off too many parking tickets.

> One high school boy volunteered at Christmas and brought his dad. The
> student is now away at college but his dad continues to be a regular
> volunteer.

> Why, after 30 years, does Pat continue when the work is tiring, often
> emotionally draining, and the guests not always too appreciative. She
> responded, “Everyone still does not have what they NEED! There is
> still such a terrible mis-distribution of food and funds!”

> On a September day in 2004, the atmosphere at Martin’s was ALIVE with
> excitement. We were celebrating Pat’s Golden Jubilee with a mass and
> LOTS of good food. The regular guests welcomed all of us and were
> soooo glad that we had come to their site to have our party.

> Later this year, we’ll be gathering for another celebration at
> Martin’s. On Nov. 1, 2008, we—the Bay Areas BVMs—will again have a
> great party to mark the end of our Jubilee year. We will share good
> food and friendship with the regular Martin’s guests and, oh! How
> special it will be!

> About the author: Julie O’Neill, BVM is Volunteer Coordinator of
> Special Needs for the Archdiocese of San Francisco.

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Obama and Afganistan: An Analysis by Immanuel Wallerstein

August 2, 2008

(Note: Among the myths circulating about US foreign policy in the Middle East – from Morocco to India is that while the war in Iraq is not `winnable’ – whatever that means – that the war NATO is engaged in against the Taliban in Afghanistan is. This is a carry over from an earlier myth, that somehow the war in Afghanistan is a `good’ or justified war while the war in Iraq isn’t. If only we’d cleaned up the mess in Afghanistan before launching the Iraq war, the logic goes on to claim… In many ways the two wars – a part of a larger Bush Administration program to restructure the region to neo-conservative liking – are alike in that the initial military take overs, or invasions were relatively simple affairs that gave a deceptive sense of `victory’ which we all know that Bush claimed a bit too early and dramatically. Obama has argued that the US should end it involvement in Iraq so as to give more military attention to Afghanistan. In this piece, Immanual Wallerstein develops a pretty lucid hypothesis as to why the Afghan military option is as much of a dead end as its counterpart in Iraq. rjp)

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Fernand Braudel Center, Binghamton University Commentary No. 238, August 1, 2008

“Afghanistan: Shoals Ahead for President Obama”

 Obama has founded his campaign and become attractive to the American voters in large part on the basis of his position on the Iraq war. He opposed it publicly since 2002. He has called it a “dumb” war. He voted against the “surge.” He has called for a withdrawal over 16 months of all combat troops. He has refused to agree that it was wrong to oppose the surge.

While doing all that, he has always argued that the United States should do more in Afghanistan. This explicitly includes sending 10,000 more troops as soon as possible. He does not seem to think that the war there is somehow dumb. He does seem to think that the United States can “win” that war – with more troops and with more assistance from NATO. Once president, he may be in for a rude surprise.

Obama would do well to reflect upon the recent interview in Le Monde given by Gérard Chaliand. Chaliand is a leading geostrategist, specializing in so-called irregular wars. He knows Afghanistan exceedingly well, having been in and out of there over the last thirty years. He spent much time with the mujahidin during their struggle against Soviet troops in the 1980s. He currently spends several months a year in Kabul at the Center for Conflict and Peace Studies, of which he was one of the founders.

He is very clear on the military situation. “Victory is impossible in Afghanistan….Today, one must try to negotiate. There is no other solution.” Why? Because the Taliban control the local powers throughout the east and south of the country, where Pashtun populations prevail. Doubling the number of Western troops, doubling the projected size of the government’s army, and spending far more than the present 10% of outside aid for economic development might change the situation. But Chaliand doubts, and so do I, that this is politically likely for the United States and the NATO countries. The German Foreign Minister has already warned Obama not to press Germany for more troops to fight the Taliban. It is not that the Taliban can win either, says Chaliand. Rather there is a “military impasse.” The Taliban, who are geopolitically astute, are patiently waiting until the West “gets tired of a war that drags on.”

To see how the United States has got itself into this cul-de-sac, we have to go back a little bit into history. Since the nineteenth century, Afghanistan has been the focal point of the “great game” between Russia and Great Britain (now succeeded by the United States). No one has ever gained long-term control over this crucial zone of transit.

Today, Afghanistan has on its border a state called Pakistan, which has a large Pashtun population precisely on the border. Pakistan’s prime geopolitical interest is to have a friendly Afghanistan, lest India – but also Russia, the United States, and/or Iran – come to dominate it. Pakistan has been supporting in one way or another the Pashtun majority, which today means the Taliban. Pakistan is not about to stop doing this.

Under President Carter, the United States decided to try to oust a so-called Communist government deemed too close to Russia. We know now, via the release of archives from the Carter administration as well as via a famous interview given ten years ago by Zbigniew Brzezinski, then Carter’s National Security Advisor, that U.S. support of the mujahidin predated by at least six months the intrusion of Soviet troops. Indeed, one of the objectives was precisely to lure the Soviet Union into intervening militarily on the correct assumption that this would ultimately badly misfire and weaken the Soviet regime at home. Bravo! It did that. But the U.S. policy also at the same time spawned both Al-Qaeda and the Taliban – a classic case of blowback for the United States. In any case, none other than Brzezinski is warning Obama against repeating the Soviet error.

So, Obama is promising something today he is in no position to deliver. It is all very well for him to receive the implicit endorsement of the Iraqi government for his Iraq proposals. He is riding high on that, and will reap credit from the U.S. and world public for his stance. But he can undo that credit by failing to deliver on an impossible promise concerning Afghanistan. His gang of 300 advisors is not serving him very well on this issue. Obama knows how to be prudent when necessary. He is not being very prudent at all on Afghanistan.

by Immanuel Wallerstein

Meeting With US Congressman Mark Udall’s Staff on Iran: Not Much In Common…

July 31, 2008

It was enough to make the Quakers in the delegation see red. Quakers with whom I am familiar don’t get easily riled, but when they do, they have a history of being a tenacious and stubborn lot. And, leaving Mark Udall’s office yesterday, they, along with the rest of us, were visibly upset with the results. Three of them from Boulder were a part of a delegation of six from Denver and Boulder, organized by the Rocky Mountain Peace and Justice Center that met yesterday with US Congressman Mark Udalls staff in Westminster. The delegation included representatives of the Boulder Friends Meeting, the Moslem Community and yours truly. The main purpose of the meeting was to try to convince Udall to withdraw his sponsorship from a bill, HR 362, currently being considered in Congress. HR 362 would effectively lead to a US led naval blockade of Iran, and as such, is according to international law, an act of war. Udall is the Democratic Party nominee for the US Senate in Colorado.

Sparing with Udall’s Staff

The meeting lasted more than an hour and was, I suppose it fair to say, an honest and open – if unsatisfactory – exchange. Udall’s staff tried to argue that `Mark Udall has been on your [the peace movement’s] side, that he had initially voted against going to war with Iraq (which is the case), and that if he is co-sponsoring a bill that would essentially be an act of war against Iran, that he also co-sponsored another bill HR 3119 a year ago which required the president to get congressional approval before launching military action against another country. Finally the argument was put forth that the US military is overstretched, cannot get involved in another major military conflict, suggesting we shouldn’t really worry about all this, that it has more symbol than substance.

We countered that while yes, Udall had, perhaps will an eye on the US Senate seat, voted initially against the Iraq war that he had voted for every military appropriations bill funding the Iraq war since. And, as Rich Andrews, representing the Friends Committe on Legislation accurately pointed out, while HR 3119 did require congressional approval before Bush could launch a war that the bill included four disturbing exceptions which essentially gave Bush the free hand he wants. It was my impression that Andrews seemed to know more about HR 3119 than did Udall’s staff. And that there is plenty still to worry about concerning a possible major air strike against Iran – and its consequences

In a like manner, Imam Ibrahim Kazerooni, also a part of the delegation, knew considerably more about nuclear energy, nuclear weapons and the nature of the Iranian nuclear program (there is no evidence that Iran is producing nuclear weapons despite widespread charges to this effect) than Udall’s staff. Although HR 362 is a bill of a non-binding nature, it helps create an atmosphere to justify military aggression against Iran and thus is not as toothless as it appears. Finally although it is true that the US military is overstretched, the ideologues within the Bush Administration – neo-cons, AIPAC, etc – still follow a logic which could lead to a strike either by the US, Israel or some combination there of. The prospect of a major attack against Iran – and a strong Iranian response – remains alive and dangerous.

The Bottom Line

The bottom line was quite simple: Mark Udall will not withdraw his name from the sponsorship of HR 362. Three reasons that he refuses to budge from this position were given by his staff. They were:

1. There is `tremendous concern’ about Iran acquiring nuclear weapons.

2. Specific mention was made of Iranian President Ahmadinejad’s misquoted remark about Iran intending to `wipe Israel off the map’.

3. Iran’s supposed support for terrorism – ie, supporting the Iraqi insurgents, the Iran-Hezbollah link, and Iran’s support for the Palestinian group `Hamas’.

All of these reasons are bogus and have been easily and repeatedly countered by the facts. Briefly, Iran is developing nuclear energy, which it has a right to do according to international law. Ahmadinejad’s remark was not that Iran would wipe out Israel but that if Israel continued its unjust policies towards the Palestinians that the Jewish state would collapse (which is far different than saying Iran would wipe it out). Besides, Ahmadinejad does not have the power to make such decisions which lay in the hands of the grand Ayatollah. Finally, that Iran has played a major role in supplying Iraqi insurgents has not been proven although the allegation has been repeated without proof for several years now.

A National Scripted Response to Criticism?

All these points – and many more – were made by the delegation to no avail. Udall has no intention of budging. What is interesting about Udall’s response is that essentially the exact same points are being raised all over the country to delegations like this one visiting their Congressmen and women to try to stop HR 362. It is as if the answers have been scripted, the likely architect for the legislation and its defense being AIPAC. There is no question that AIPAC has been very active in supporting this bill which more than likely they probably wrote. When asked about AIPAC pressure, one Udalls staff member did comment `yes, that is true’ (without elaborating).

And nationally now, while HR 362 is still very much alive, it has run into some problems.

+ Howard Berman, Chair of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, has indicated that he has no intention of moving the bill through his committee unless the language is first altered to ensure that there is no possible way it could be construed as authorizing any military action against Iran.

+ Two senior US Jewish Congressmen – Frank Wexler of Florida and Barney Frank of Massachusetts – withdrew support.

+ a major campaign in opposition to HR 362 has been launched by a coalition of national peace groups, that include Peace Action, United For Peace and Justice, the National Iranian-American Council, the Friends Committee on National Legislation, Code Pink and Just Foreign Policy.

B’rit Tzedek Weighs In

Although not directly involved in this campaign, the Jewish group B’rit Tzedek v’ Shalom has issued a statement through its national board calling for negotiations and not war with Iran, arguing that a war between Israel and Iran is in neither country’s interest.While no match for the political clout of the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee or AIPAC, B’rit Tzedek’s position at least suggests that some American Jews are not particularly enthusiastic about igniting what could be World War III. From where I am sitting, despite the statement’s framing the issue in such a way as to suggest Iran is a threat to Israel, the US or anyone else, this is still a welcome development.

B’rit Tzedek is not the only American Jewish voice urgin negotiations rather than war with Iran. In a June 24 column, Time columnist Joe Klein accused Jewish neoconservatives now pushing for a US military confrontation against Iran, of sacrificing “US lives and money…to make the world safe for Israel.” These same neo-cons (among them Richard Perle, Wolfowitz, Poderentz, etc.) also `played a particularly visible role in the drive to war in Iraq’. Klein’s piece triggered angry charges of anti-Semitism and personal attacks from critics at such neoconservative strongholds as the Weekly Standard, National Review, and Commentary.

Udall: `Waited His Turn’ To Run for US Senate

All this suggests that if Udall were to change his position he would not be especially isolated and would join a growing number of voices opposing any attempt to attack Iran militarily – by air, land or sea. There is esssentially no issue of principle involved here. It is hard to view his signing on to HR 362 as little else than pure political opportunism, the usual groveling to AIPAC (which has strength in Colorado’s Democratic Party) and a misled strategy that fashioning himself as a Cold War Liberal – although it is almost two decades sinces the collapse of Communism – will get him votes.

There are some indications that Mark Udall had wanted to run for the Senate earlier but was convinced by state Democratic Party power brokers to `wait his turn’ so to speak. This he did and watched Denver lawyer, Tom Strickland, then employed by the law firm of Brownstein, Hyatt, Farber, and Schreck, twice go down in defeat. Following the same brilliant strategy that led Al Gore and John Kerry to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory – to take the left for granted and straddle the middle – Strickland twice lost to far more rightwing and intellectually inferior competitors.

Having thus waited his turn, Udall emerged virtually unopposed (except for a weak challenge by Democratic Party peace activist Mark Benner) as the Democratic Party candidate of choice for the US Senate seat. Running against Udall is Bob Shaeffer, another US Congressman from Colorado’s Eastern sparsely populated and generally conservative eastern plains. Schaffer can easily and accurately be characterized as an arch-conservative with strong backing of oil and gas drilling, military and Christian conservative interests in the state. Also running is Bob Kinsey, the Green Party’s choice for the office. An ordained United Church of Christ minister long active in peace and environmental movements, Kinsey – who is easily Udall’s and Schaffer’s intellectual match – gets little press despite his great knowledge and humane stand on the issues.

For a while Udall held a comfortable lead over Schaffer but recently the latter has managed to gain in the polls so that at present the two are basically in a dead heat. Udall has basically staked out improving and saving the environment as his main issue. To the delight of Colorado oil and gas drillers Schaffer has shaped his campaign, at a time of rising gas prices, around `energy independence’. This translates nicely into letting the oil and gas industry drill to its heart content, but at the same time it does seem to have struck a ch